Populist Party

The Populist Party (formally, The People's Party) was an American third party that flourished 1890-94. Based on a coalition of wheat farmers in the Plains states, cotton tenant farmersoin the deep South, silver miners in the West, and coal miners in the Midwest, it carried several states in the 1892 election. It suffered heavy losses to the resurgent Republican party in 1894, and in 1896 endosed the Democratic party candidate, William Jennings Bryan. It virtually disappeared after its defeat in 1896.

Origins

The party was organized at St. Louis in February 1892, represented, in general, three groups: 1) Western agrarians who had achieved some political success by means of independent parties in the congressional and state elections since 1890; 2) Southern agrarians who, through the Farmers' Alliances, had sought to capture their state Democratic organizations as a means of achieving their aims; and 3) representatives of several labor unions and other reform groups. Farmers' Alliance leaders from Southern states generally opposed the formation of a third party, fearing that such action would endanger white supremacy in the South. Leadership in the contest for control went to Western agrarians and remained in their hands during the early years of the party's history. This raised the problem of achieving unity among the Westerners, who were mostly former Republicans, and the Southerners, former Democrats.

Campaign of 1892

The party convention, meeting at Omaha, Nebraska, July 4, 1892, with 1,776 official delegates, nominated James B. Weaver, of Iowa, for president, and James G. Field, of Virginia, for vice-president and adopted a platform embodying Farmers' Alliance demands relating to land, currency, and transportation reform. Other planks called for a graduated income tax, direct election of United States Senators, and other democratic measures and labor reforms. The principal currency reform involved the free coinage of silver and gold at a ratio of 16 to 1. The party polled over 1,000,000 popular votes and entered the electoral college with 22 votes, mostly from the states of the Middle West.

1896

The Populists attracted additional support in the ensuing years, and the party leaders looked hopefully to the election of 1896. Neither of the major parties seemed disposed to espouse free coinage, which by 1896 had become the principal demand of agrarians. The silver wing of the Democratic Party, led by William Jennings Bryan, captured the national organization, which declared for free coinage of silver; thereupon the Populists endorsed Bryan, virtually committing political suicide. A middle-of-the-road Populist faction favoring independent action refused to follow the leadership of Bryan. In 1900 the Populists again endorsed Bryan, but from this second venture the party never recovered. Although the Populists entered candidates in 1904 and 1908, the party had become a minor Southern agrarian political faction.

West

Kansas Populists demonized the railroad, blaming it for all of the forces that threatened the rural society. Ironically, in regions where railroads furnished the best transportation to agricultural markets, Populists mounted the most determined opposition to railroad expansion. They blamed the practices of railway corporations for much of the agricultural poverty in the 1890's. In Kansas, as elsewhere, the People's Party asserted that the railroads operated for the profit of their small groups of private owners. The Populists called for public, i.e., government, ownership and community-oriented enterprise.

South

North Carolina

In 1890, Marion Butler was elected to the North Carolina state legislature as a Democrat supported by the Farmers' Alliance. By 1892, Butler had bcome leader of the state's Populist Party, which held the balance of power between the two traditional parties. North Carolina politics was in turmoil 1892-98. The issue of bimetallism or "free silver" dominated political discourse. State Democrats opposed 1892 presidential nominee Grover Cleveland's "gold bug" stand. Cleveland was elected and then blamed for the Panic of 1893 and the hardships of a severe depression that badly hurt cotrton and tobacco growers. North Carolina Populists swung support to Republicans in 1894 causing Democratic defeats in many races. In 1896 both Democrats and Populists supported William Jennings Bryan's bid for president, but ran separate gubernatorial candidates, giving the Republicans a victory. But Populists quickly dissolved ties with Republicans as the Democratic free silver movement won reformists' support. In 1894 and 1896, Republicans and Populists combined for legislative elections and won control of the legislature. It elected Butler and Republican Jeter Pritchard to the U.S. Senate. Republican Daniel Russell won the governorship, and North Carolina's election laws were made more democratic. A rabidly racist and physically intimidating campaign of 1898 by the Democrats destroyed the party.

Mississippi

The Populist movement failed to attract the large following in Mississippi that it did in most other Southern states. Mississippi possessed able Populist leaders, such as newspaper editor Frank Burkitt, but poor farmers refused to follow the leadership of the Farmers' Alliance. Few farmers were willing to support the subtreasury plan, an alliance system of aiding farmers by providing low-cost federal loans secured by crops. The Democratic Party machine, the increasing activism of the National Grange, and fear of black political domination also contributed to the failure of Mississippi populism. By the birth of the People's Party in 1892, Mississippi populism had weakened to the point of near death.

South Carolina

Kantrowitz (2000) argues that race and violence were not the only factors in the defeat of the Populists in South Carolina in the early 1890's. Leaders such as Ben Tillman destroyed Hendrix McLane's appeal to interracial agrarian radicalism by combining Southerners' fears that white men had lost racial control with their sense of the loss of white male authority. Tillman used the label "farmer," which neither women nor black men could claim, to unite white men of all socioeconomic levels. McLane could not defeat Tillman's rhetoric because it was based on a deep-rooted mixture of gender and race beliefs.

Biracial coalition?

Winsboro and Musoke (2003) examine whether the Populist movement in the South was a truly biracial movement or one that made promises to blacks just to gain their votes. Underlying the Populist claims for unity against Bourbon elitism was the issue of white supremacy, a factor that put African Americans between Populist promises and political realities. Populist leaders had little to offer blacks, since poverty precluded them from Populist demands for currency reform and lower taxes. These demands had little to do with challenging white supremacy, as politically astute blacks well knew. Whites may have been divided on political issues, but in one Southern state after another they were unified on the issue of race. Blacks knew that Populist leaders such as Tom Watson were more interested in black votes than in racial equity.

Historiography

Since the 1890s historians have vigorously debated the nature of Populism. Some see the populists as forward-looking liberal reformers. Others view them as reactionaries trying to recapture an idyllic and utopian past. For some they are radicals out to restructure American life, and for others they are economically hard-pressed agrarians seeking government relief. The majority of recent scholarship emphasizes populism's debt to early American republicanism, but there is disagreement there as well.

Frederick Jackson Turner and a succession of western historians depicted the Populist as responding to the closure of the frontier. Turner explained:

The Farmers' Alliance and the Populist demand for government ownership of the railroad is a phase of the same effort of the pioneer farmer, on his latest frontier. The proposals have taken increasing proportions in each region of Western Advance. Taken as a whole, Populism is a manifestation of the old pioneer ideals of the native American, with the added element of increasing readiness to utilize the national government to effect its ends.

In the 1930s C. Vann Woodward stressed the southern base, seeing the possibility of a black-and-white coalition of poor against the overbearing rich. Georgia politician Tom Watson served as Woodward's hero. In the 1950s, however, scholars such as Richard Hofstadter portrayed the Populist movement as an irrational response of backward-looking farmers to the challenges of modernity. He discounted third party links to Progressivism and argued that Populists were provincial, conspiracy-minded, and had a tendency toward scapegoatism that manifested itself as nativism, anti-Semitism, anti-intellectualism, and Anglophobia. The antithesis of anti-modern Populism was modernizing Progressivism in this model, with such leading progressives as Theodore Roosevelt, Robert LaFollette and Woodrow Wilson had been vehement enemies of Populism, though William Jennings Bryan did cooperate with them and accepted the Populist nomination in 1896.

Michael Kazin's The Populist Persuasion (1995) argued that Populism reflected a rhetorical style that manifested itself in spokesmen like Father Charles Coughlin in the 1930s and Governor George Wallace in the 1960s.

In 2007 Charles Postel rejected the notion that the Populists were traditionalistic and anti-modern. Quite the reverse, he argued, the Populists aggressively sought self-consciously progressive goals. They sought diffusion of scientific and technical knowledge, formed highly centralized organizations, launched large-scale incorporated businesses, and pressed for an array of state-centered reforms. Hundreds of thousands of women committed to Populism seeking a more modern life, education, and employment in schools and offices. A large section of the labor movement looked to Populism for answers, forging a political coalition with farmers that gave impetus to the regulatory state. Progress, however, was also menacing and inhumane, Postel notes. White Populists, embraced social-Darwinist notions of racial improvement, Chinese exclusion and the humiliation and brutality of separate-but-equal.

Bibliography

• Argersinger, Peter H. The Limits of Agrarian Radicalism: Western Populism and American Politics (1995) excerpt and text search
• Argersinger, Peter H. Populism and Politics: William Alfred Peffer and the People's Party (1974), on Kansas
• Cherny, Robert W. Populism, Progressivism and the Transformation of Nebraska Politics, 1885-1912 (1981);
• Clanton, O. Gene. A Common Humanity: Kansas Populism and the Battle for Justice and Equality, 1854-1903. (2004), 328pp; expanded version of Kansas Populism: Ideas and Men, (1969).
• Clanton, Gene. Congressional Populism and the Crisis of the 1890s. (1999). 228 pp. online review
• Clanton, Gene. Populism: The Humane Preference in America, 1890-1900 (1991).
• Creech, Joe. Righteous Indignation: Religion and the Populist Revolution. (2006). 232 pp
• Durden, Robert. The Climax of Populism: The Election of 1896 (1966).
• Goodwyn, Lawrence. Democratic Promise: The Populist Movement in America (1976); The Populist Moment: A Short History of the Agrarian Revolt in America (1978) is an abridged version
• Hackney, Sheldon, ed. Populism: The Critical Issues (1971), excerpts from scholars
• Hackney, Sheldon. Populism to Progressivism in Alabama (1969)
• Hahn, Steven. The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850-1890. (1983, 2006). 354 pp.
• Hicks, John D. The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party (1931). Stresses geographical environment that turned harsh and radicalized wheat farmers
  • Martin Ridge, "Populism Revolt: John D. Hicks and The Populist Revolt," Reviews in American History 13 (March 1985): 142-54. in JSTOR
• Hunt, James L. Marion Butler and American Populism. (2003). 337 pp. on a North Carolina leader online review
• Kantrowitz, Stephen. "Ben Tillman and Hendrix McLane, Agrarian Rebels: White Manhood, 'The Farmers,' and the Limits of Southern Populism," The Journal of Southern History, Vol. 66, No. 3. (Aug., 2000), pp. 497-524. in JSTOR
• Kazin, Michael. The Populist Persuasion: An American History (1995), very wide ranging across two centuries of politics excerpt and text search
• Larson, Robert W. Populism in the Mountain West. (1986). 210 pp.
• Larson, Robert W. "Populism in the Mountain West: a Mainstream Movement." Western Historical Quarterly 1982 13(2): 143-164. Issn: 0043-3810 Fulltext: in Jstor
• McMath, Robert C., Jr. American Populism: A Social History, 1877-1898. (1993). 245 pp. short survey
• McMath Jr., Robert C. "C. Vann Woodward and the Burden of Southern Populism," The Journal of Southern History, Vol. 67, No. 4, C. Vann Woodward's "Origins of the New South, 1877-1913": A Fifty-Year Retrospective. (Nov., 2001), pp. 741-768. in JSTOR
• McMath, Robert. Populist Vanguard: A History of the Southern Farmers' Alliance (1975)
• Martin, texas
• Miller, Worth Robert. "A Centennial Historiography of American Populism." Kansas History 1993 16(1): 54-69. Issn: 0149-9114 online edition
• Ostler, Jeffrey. Prairie Populism: The Fate of Agrarian Radicalism in Kansas, Nebraska, and Iowa, 1880-1892 (1993) excerpt and text search
• Palmer, Bruce. "Man Over Money": The Southern Populist Critique of American Capitalism (1980).
• Parsons, Stanley B. The Populist Context: Rural Versus Urban Power on a Great Plains Frontier (1973)
• Parsons, Stanley B. et. al. "The Role of Cooperatives in the Development of the Movement Culture of Populism," Journal of American History 69 (March 1983): 866-85. revisionsitic study that shows the promised cooperatives did not exist in JSTOR
• Shaw, Barton C. The Wool-Hat Boys: Georgia's Populist Party (1984).
• Turner, James. "Understanding the Populists," Journal of American History 67 (September 1980): 354-73. in JSTOR
• Postel, Charles. The Populist Vision (2007) excerpt and text search
• Redding, Kent. "Failed Populism: Movement-party Disjuncture in North Carolina, 1890 to 1900." American Sociological Review 1992 57(3): 340-352. Issn: 0003-1224 Fulltext: Jstor
• Ridge, Martin. Ignatius Donnelly: Portrait of A. Politician (1962), Minnesota leader
• Sanders, Elizabeth. Roots of Reform: Farmers, Workers, and the American State 1877-1917. (1999). 532 pp. excerpt and text search, political science perspective
• Voss-Hubbard, Mark. "The 'Third Party Tradition' Reconsidered: Third Parties and American Public Life, 1830-1900." Journal of American History 1999 86(1): 121-150. Issn: 0021-8723 Fulltext: online JSTOR
• Winsboro, Irvin D. S., and Moses S. Musoke, "Lead Us Not into Temptation: Race, Rhetoric, and Reality in Southern Populism." Historian 2003 65(6): 1354-1374. Issn: 0018-2370 Fulltext: Ebsco
• Woodward, C. Vann. Tom Watson: Agrarian Rebel (1938)
• Woodward, C. Vann. "Tom Watson and the Negro in Agrarian Politics," The Journal of Southern History, Vol. 4, No. 1 (Feb., 1938), pp. 14-33 in JSTOR
• Wright, James Edward. The Politics of Populism: Dissent in Colorado (1974)

Primary sources

• Barthelme, Marion K., ed. Women in the Texas Populist Movement: Letters to the Southern Mercury. (1997). 248 pp.
• Kellie, Luna. A Prairie Populist: The Memoirs of Luna Kellie. ed. by Jane Taylor Nelsen, (1992). 188 pp.
• Peffer, William A. Populism: Its Rise and Fall. ed. by Peter H. Argersinger, (1899, 1992). 208 pp.

See also

• American election campaigns, 19th century
• Gilded Age
• Third Party System
• U.S. Republican Party, history
• U.S. Democratic Party, history
• Wizard of Oz