Dwight D. Eisenhower: Difference between revisions

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===Foreign policy and the military===
===Foreign policy and the military===
Eisenhower worried that excessive defense spending would weaken the economy in the long-run, and thus be counterproductive. His "New Look" strategy economized by cutting back on Army divisions (much to the chagrin of the soldiers), and emphasizing instead nuclear weapons, which gave "more bang for the buck."   
Eisenhower worried that excessive defense spending would weaken the economy in the long-run, and thus be counterproductive. His "New Look" strategy economized by cutting back on Army divisions (much to the chagrin of the soldiers), and emphasizing instead nuclear weapons, which gave "more bang for the buck."   
During his first three years as President, Eisenhower cut the federal budget, largely by controlling defense expenditures. By nature a fiscal conservative, he had no patience for corporate contractors' insistence that the United States needed ever more defense systems. He had even less tolerance for the same argument coming from his first Secretary of Defense, [[Charles E. Wilson]], who had left the presidency of General Motors to serve in the administration. Wilson was ridiculed by Democrats for his garbled statement, "I thought that what was good for our country was good for General Motors and vice versa." (He meant to say what was bad for the country was bad for General Motors). Wilson proposed enormous Pentagon budget requests that Eisenhower slashed back.


Eisenhower rejected the policy of limited war and use of tactical nuclear weapons to the strategic menu of ways to deal with the Communist threat, and instead adopted a new strategy of "massive resistance" whereby a small war with the Soviet Union would immediately turn into a major nuclear war. He knew the U.S. had substantial nuclear superiority.  The effect was to deter both sides from any action that might escalate tensions into a small war. Eisenhower thus avoided World War III.  Eisenhower rejected criticism from his Secretary of State [[John Foster Dulles]] and his Army chief of staff [[Maxwell Taylor]]. They both wanted more flexibility, but Eisenhower got his way. <ref> Taylor retired and counterattacked, writing that Eisenhower's policy "offers no alternative other than reciprocal suicide or retreat in the face of the superiority of Soviet forces." [Taylor, ''The Uncertain Trumpet'' (1959) p. 137]  President John F Kennedy greatly admired Taylor’s ideas and brought him back as chairman of the Joint Chiefs in 1962.</ref> Eisenhower had a triad of nuclear delivery systems (the B-52 bomber, submarines, and missiles), added an early warning radar system in Canada, and tried to add a civil defense system for cities in case deterrence failed, but the public was completely uninterested in his bomb shelters.  
Eisenhower rejected the policy of limited war and use of tactical nuclear weapons to the strategic menu of ways to deal with the Communist threat, and instead adopted a new strategy of "massive resistance" whereby a small war with the Soviet Union would immediately turn into a major nuclear war. He knew the U.S. had substantial nuclear superiority.  The effect was to deter both sides from any action that might escalate tensions into a small war. Eisenhower thus avoided World War III.  Eisenhower rejected criticism from his Secretary of State [[John Foster Dulles]] and his Army chief of staff [[Maxwell Taylor]]. They both wanted more flexibility, but Eisenhower got his way. <ref> Taylor retired and counterattacked, writing that Eisenhower's policy "offers no alternative other than reciprocal suicide or retreat in the face of the superiority of Soviet forces." [Taylor, ''The Uncertain Trumpet'' (1959) p. 137]  President John F Kennedy greatly admired Taylor’s ideas and brought him back as chairman of the Joint Chiefs in 1962.</ref> Eisenhower had a triad of nuclear delivery systems (the B-52 bomber, submarines, and missiles), added an early warning radar system in Canada, and tried to add a civil defense system for cities in case deterrence failed, but the public was completely uninterested in his bomb shelters.  

Revision as of 13:27, 30 October 2007

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Dwight Eisenhower

General of the Army Dwight David Eisenhower ("Ike") (1890-1969) was an American soldier who fought in World War I, was a top commander in World War II, and served as the 34th president of the United States (1953-1961). During the war he first commanded Allied (British and American) troops in North Africa in 1942 and Italy 1943, then became the Supreme Commander of the forces that invaded Normandy on D-Day, June 6, 1944 and defeated the Germans in the West.

As the great American hero of the war, both parties wanted him as a presidential candidate. He kept out of politics until 1952, when he defeated Robert A. Taft for the Republican nomination and was elected by a landslide. As president he continued what was left of the New Deal and expanded Social Security, kept the containment policy in the Cold War, ended the Korean War, sponsored the Interstate Highway System, signed the first civil rights bill in 82 years, and promoted moderate domestic policies known as "dynamic conservatism". As he left office Eisenhower issued a famous warning about the dangers of the military-industrial complex.

Early career

Eisenhower was born in Denison, Texas, on Oct. 14, 1890. His father, David Jacob Eisenhower, was of Bavarian Mennonite descent; his mother, Ida Elizabeth (Stover) Eisenhower, was of Swiss descent. The families of both parents came to America prior to 1750. Shortly after Eisenhower's birth, his family returned to Abilene, Kansas, the original family home, with which Eisenhower maintained close ties his entire life. There he grew up in an environment of strong family religious traditions. His mother became a leader in the Jehovah Witness religion, a highly controversial group because of its refusal to salute the flag. Eisenhower was never a member. Eisenhower was one of seven brothers, one of whom died in infancy. The others all had successful careers. The oldest, Arthur, became a banker; Edgar a lawyer; Roy a pharmacist; Earl an electrical engineer; and Milton the president of Kansas State College and Johns Hopkins University and a close adviser to his brother, the president.

Eisenhower attended local public schools and graduated from Abilene High School in 1909. Despite the strong pacifist sentiment in the community, Eisenhower took the entrance exams and was admitted to the U.S. Military Academy at West Point in 1911. Cadet Eisenhower was outstanding as a football player until a knee injury forced him to stop playing in his sophomore year. His academic ratings were average and he was commissioned a second lieutenant in June 1915. The World War was underway in Europe, but it made little impact on the West Point curriculum, which was oriented toward military engineering and history.

The new second lieutenant was assigned to the Nineteenth Infantry Regiment at Fort Sam Houston, San Antonio, Texas. There he met Mamie Geneva Doud, daughter of a prosperous Denver, Colorado, family. They were married on July 1, 1916; Eisenhower was promoted to first lieutenant the same day. Two sons were born to the couple--Doud Dwight, who died in infancy, and John Sheldon Doud, who became an Army career officer.

During World War I Eisenhower, a permanent captain and a temporary lieutenant colonel, commanded a Tank Corps training center at Camp Colt, Pennsylvania, within sight of the place where he was later to build his Gettysburg farm home. He was preparing to sail for France when the armistice was signed on November 11, 1918, so he did not see combat. He had, however, achieved the number three rank in the Tank Corps; his friend George Patton was number 2, and did see combat in France.

Interwar years

After the war, Eisenhower reverted to the permanent rank of major--one he was to hold for 16 years. After commanding several units in the fledgling Tank Corps, the Corps was disbanded and Eisenhower was told that his theorizing about the use of armor in future wars would jeopardize his career as an infantry officer, so he stopped. In 1922 he became executive officer of the Twentieth Infantry Battalion in the Panama Canal Zone. In 1924 he graduated first in his class from the Army Command and General Staff School, a signal that he was among the half-dozen most promising young officers in the army. He also graduated from the Army War College. Assigned to the Battle Monuments Commission, he went to France twice and wrote a guidebook to the French battlefields. In late 1929 he was assigned to the office of the assistant secretary of war. He served three years in this critical position. A specialist on logistics and supply, he largely wrote the Army's "Industrial Mobilization Plan of 1930." (It was not, however, used when the war came.) Eisenhower moved up to the office of Chief of Staff, becoming an assistant to General Douglas MacArthur, whom he greatly admired at the time. When MacArthur was sent to the Philippines in 1935, Eisenhower accompanied him as assistant. There Eisenhower helped create the Philippine Army, specializing in its air force. He earned pilot's wings and a lieutenant colonelcy.

Holland (2001) argues that Eisenhower was the best read and trained officer of his age in the interwar Army and possesses a "terrific intellect." Far from being an unknown, his talents and work ethic attracted the attention of some of the Army's most important senior officers, especially MacArthur, who mentored Eisenhower and boosted his career. Indeed, he benefited from such attention more than any other officer of the era.

World War II

1940-42

Back in the United States in early 1940, he served as chief of staff of the Third Division and the Ninth Army Corps, and then of the Third Army. In this capacity, he had a large part in the tactical planning of the Louisiana war games of 1941. He won notice and rapid promotion to colonel and brigadier general. Eisenhower became the protegé of chief of staff George C. Marshall, serving in the office of the chief of staff as chief of the plans division and was named a major general. His first task was planning the Army's defensive role against Japan. American strategy called for defeat of Germany first, and in early 1942 Eisenhower took charge of planning that feat. This brought him into repeated conflict with Chief of Naval Operations Ernest J. King, who wanted to shift most of the Navy's resources to the Pacific, stripping Europe of the landing craft Eisenhower needed.

1942-45

After a survey trip to Britain, Eisenhower was appointed commander of U.S. troops in Europe. Now a lieutenant general with three stars, he took charge of "Operation Torch," the Allied invasion of French North Africa. The landings there on November 8, 1942, met with merely temporary resistance from the French, and agreements with French Vichy leaders soon brought about Allied control of French North Africa. After an unexpected defeat at Kasserine Pass, Eisenhower's forces crushed the Germans and Italians from the west while British General Bernard Montgomery mauled them from the east; the enemy surrendered in May 1943. Eisenhower next supervised the Allied invasion of Sicily (July, 1943), in which the enemy escaped with all their soldiers and supplies. Eisenhower then led the invasions of mainland Italy (September 1943), which quickly bogged down. He tended to run his command through committees and distanced himself from day-to-day decisions, delegating responsibility to subordinates and rarely interfering. His genius was in understanding how to make coalition warfare work in both the military and political spheres. Eisenhower proved adept at dealing with the British and French, while wary of a possible German counterattack through Spain (which never happened).

Supreme Commander 1943-45

His tactical military successes, and especially his ability to lead and coordinate the efforts of all the Allied forces and to smooth over inter-Allied rivalries, led to Eisenhower's appointment in December 1943 as commander of the Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Forces in Europe (SHAEF). This was the command charged with leading the largest, climactic Allied push of the war--the invasion of France. Marshall himself wanted the job, but President Franklin D. Roosevelt insisted on Eisenhower.[1]

Eisenhower molded the giant force that on June 6, 1944, landed on the beaches of Normandy. Although meeting fierce German resistance, his command of the air meant the Germans were immobile and could not be resupplied. Eisenhower's the forces broke through at St. Lo (July 18, 1944), and landed also in southern France (August 15, 1944). The Germans rapidly retreated to Germany, many escaping through the Failaise Gap that the American field commander, General Omar Bradley, had failed to close. The liberation of Paris on August 25, 1944, seemed to herald a quick end to the war. But a German counterattack, called the "Battle of the Bulge" in the Ardennes in mid-December 1944, caught the Allies by complete surprise. This time bad weather grounded the Allied air forces, but the Germans were stunned to discover that Allied artillery used proximity fuzes that made its barrages much more effective. Eisenhower had fought the Pentagon to get those fuzes (which Washington feared would be reverse engineered by the Germans and so should not be used.) The Battle of the Bulge was won when the skies cleared, but cost 77,000 casualties, the highest toll in U.S. military history. Finally on March 6, 1945, the Allied forces crossed the Rhine. They cleared the Ruhr Valley region and reached and bridged the Elbe River. Eisenhower declined to advance on the political target of Berlin, because the casualties would be too high and the Soviets had been assigned that task. He instead focused on destroying Nazi forces in central and southern Germany. This decision was controversial, but led to a quick collapse of Nazi Germany, which surrendered on May 8, 1945.

Debate with Montgomery

Following the breakthrough in France in August 1944 an argument broke out between the Eisenhower, and the Commanding General of the 21st British Army Group, General Sir Bernard L. Montgomery. Montgomery argued that a concentrated attack, which he would lead, on the northern line of advance was preferable to Eisenhower's two-pronged broad-front advance. When Eisenhower decided that as of 1 September 1944 he would assume command of the ground troops from Montgomery, the temporary ground forces commander, the debate widened to include command. Except for Operation MARKET-GARDEN, Eisenhower did not take seriously Montgomery's single-thrust proposals.[2]

Intelligence

Eisenhower entered the war ignorant of the intricacies of intelligence gathering; by 1944 he was a highly sophisticated and effective user of massive amounts of secret information from American and British sources. Throughout the European campaign he had almost as good a grasp of German order of battle as Hitler's staff, and sometimes better. He learned from Ultra and other deciphering of German messages; he was also informed by anti-Nazi Europeans outside Germany (although he did not have spies inside Germany). He relied too much on signal intelligence gathered by Ultra's monitoring German radio messages, and thereby was taken by surprise by the Battle of the Bulge, because the Germans used land lines for telephone and telegraph messages. Eisenhower became skilled in deceiving the Germans about Allied strength and possible landing sites. He pretended that the Normandy landing was a feint and that Pas de Calais and Norway were the real invasion sites, and the Germans bought the deception and misdirected their forces. Eisenhower used well the covert operations of the French Resistance.[3]

Postwar

The 1951 appointment of Eisenhower as NATO's first supreme allied commander, Europe (SACEUR) was crucial to the alliance's success. Eisenhower was the only individual with sufficient military and political stature to persuade Western Europe to rearm in the face of the Soviet threat. While not completely successful - NATO's combat strength did not reach the desired totals - Eisenhower spent 18 months visiting member countries and organizing available military forces. When he left NATO in 1952 to run for president, the organization was planning an ambitious expansion, including the entry of Greece and Turkey into the alliance and the rearming of the Federal Republic of Germany.[4]

Eisenhower was convinced that America's own security depended on its commitment to NATO. He was, therefore outraged by Taft's isolationism. In February 1951, Eisenhower met privately with Taft, seeking the Senator's assurance that he would support America's commitment to European collective security. Taft refused, and the die was cast for Eisenhower's entry into the 1952 presidential context to stop Taft and guarantee and internationalist commitment.

1952 Presidential campaign

Part of Eisenhower's campaign was the catchy slogan "I Like Ike", seen on an animated TV commercial produced by Roy Disney and the Citizens for Eisenhower-Nixon [5], as well as on pin-on buttons.

Presidency

Journalists in the 1950s depicted Eisenhower as a laid-back "chairman of the board" who let his subordinates run the government. The opening of Eisenhower's papers surprised scholars, who discovered that behind the scenes Eisenhower was a hands-on leader who watched details and made all the major decisions.[6]

Truman, bitterly unhappy with his own White House staff, joked that when Ike became president he would push a button and nothing will happen. Truman was wrong, for Eisenhower was the best organizer in the Army, and he redesigned the White House staff and the executive departments so he had clear control at all times, and brought on board talented senior staff to oversee the process, such as former New Hampshire governor Sherman Adams, his chief assistant from 1953 to 1958.[7]

Foreign policy and the military

Eisenhower worried that excessive defense spending would weaken the economy in the long-run, and thus be counterproductive. His "New Look" strategy economized by cutting back on Army divisions (much to the chagrin of the soldiers), and emphasizing instead nuclear weapons, which gave "more bang for the buck."

During his first three years as President, Eisenhower cut the federal budget, largely by controlling defense expenditures. By nature a fiscal conservative, he had no patience for corporate contractors' insistence that the United States needed ever more defense systems. He had even less tolerance for the same argument coming from his first Secretary of Defense, Charles E. Wilson, who had left the presidency of General Motors to serve in the administration. Wilson was ridiculed by Democrats for his garbled statement, "I thought that what was good for our country was good for General Motors and vice versa." (He meant to say what was bad for the country was bad for General Motors). Wilson proposed enormous Pentagon budget requests that Eisenhower slashed back.


Eisenhower rejected the policy of limited war and use of tactical nuclear weapons to the strategic menu of ways to deal with the Communist threat, and instead adopted a new strategy of "massive resistance" whereby a small war with the Soviet Union would immediately turn into a major nuclear war. He knew the U.S. had substantial nuclear superiority. The effect was to deter both sides from any action that might escalate tensions into a small war. Eisenhower thus avoided World War III. Eisenhower rejected criticism from his Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and his Army chief of staff Maxwell Taylor. They both wanted more flexibility, but Eisenhower got his way. [8] Eisenhower had a triad of nuclear delivery systems (the B-52 bomber, submarines, and missiles), added an early warning radar system in Canada, and tried to add a civil defense system for cities in case deterrence failed, but the public was completely uninterested in his bomb shelters.


He strengthened the Secretary of Defense and the Joint Chiefs of Staff at the expense of the traditional service chiefs.[9]

At the time there were no intercontinental missiles, and the American air defense system was considered strong enough to fend off any Soviet air attack. American progress in rocketry was upstaged by the Soviets in 1957, as they launched Sputnik, the first earth satellite, and kept their lead in space for several years. Everyone realized that gave the Soviets a lead in long-range missiles as well.

Second term

Eisenhower suffered a heart attack in 1955,[10] but made a full recovery and was reelected easily in another landslide over the same Democrat, Adlai Stevenson.

Farewell address

Eisenhower's farewell address on 17 January 1961 warned the nation against depending on an economy that was based on a military-industrial complex. Written by political scientist Malcolm Moos with help from brother Milton Eisenhower, the speech echoed the president's conviction that wars must be made obsolete. While he believed that the Soviet threat was being exaggerated, President Eisenhower argued for sufficiency, not superiority. The "military industrial complex" became a slogan used by the New Left in the 1960s to attack American capitalism, and became a standard ingredient of Soviet propaganda. Most Americans, however, ignored it.[11]

Legacy

Eisenhower's legacy was victory in wartime, prosperity and peace afterwards. He was totally committed to the [[Republicanism, U.S>|core republican values]] of civic duty and common sacrifice. Throughout the war he called for voluntary self-restraint and obedience to duty, which he called the first tenet of his religion. His apocalyptic view of the war was based on a dualism that pitted the selfish against the selfless. He saw the war largely as a spiritual struggle within the Allied camp between these two forces. Civilians as well as soldiers were exhorted to sacrifice personal interests for the sake of total mobilization, which meant exercising the virtue of selflessness. He interpreted fascism as a manifestation of selfishness and social disorder. As a soldier, his legacy includes common sense, caution, exhaustive planning, collaboration with allies, supoerb diplomatic timing, avoidance of casualties, and respect for the common soldier. As president his legacy was moderation, a sense of inclusiveness, a rejection of fear and paranoia, dedication to selecting the best experts, a disdain for partisanship, a commitment to entrepeneurial freedom, an abhorrence for war, a love of democracy. and a long-term sense of national greatness. [12]

Bibliography

Biographies

  • Ambrose, Stephen E. vol 1: Eisenhower: Soldier, General of the Army, President-Elect; vol 2: Eisenhower: The President; one volume edition is Eisenhower: Soldier and President (2003), standard scholarly biography excerpt and text search
  • Ambrose, Stephen E. The Supreme Commander: The War Years of General Dwight D. Eisenhower (1999), standard scholarly biography excerpt and text search
  • Bischof, Gunter, and Stephen E. Ambrose, eds. Eisenhower: A Centenary Assessment (1995), 281pp, most papers focus on presidency
  • Boyle, Peter G. Eisenhower. (Profiles in Power Series.) (2005). 200 pp.
  • D’Este, Carlo. Eisenhower, A Soldier’s Life (2002), 848 pages; a major military biography; excerpt and text search
  • Eisenhower, David. Eisenhower At War 1943/45 (1986), 825pp; solid biography by his grandson
  • Korda, Michael. Ike: An American Hero (2007) popular military biography; excerpt and text search
  • Krieg, Joann P. Dwight D. Eisenhower, Soldier, President, Statesman (1987) online edition
  • Perret, Geoffrey. Eisenhower (2000), popular military biography; excerpt and text search
  • Picket, William B. Dwight David Eisenhower and American Power (1995) 231pp
  • Sixsmith, E. K.G. Eisenhower, His Life and Campaigns (1973) online edition
  • Wicker, Tom. Dwight D. Eisenhower (2002), short political biography excerpt and text search
  • Wukovits, John. Eisenhower: A Biography. (Great Generals Series.) (2006). 204 pp. excerpt and text search

To 1952

  • Bielakowski, Alexander M. "Eisenhower: the First Nato SACEUR' War & Society (2004) 22(2): 95-108. Issn: 0729-2473
  • Chernus, Ira. "Eisenhower's Ideology in World War II," Armed Forces & Society 1997 23(4): 595-613. Issn: 0095-327x Fulltext: Ebsco
  • Gelb, Norman. Ike and Monty: Generals at War. (1994). 480 pp.
  • Holland, Matthew F. Eisenhower between the Wars: The Making of a General and a Statesman. (2001). 248 pp. excerpt and text search
  • Murray, G. E. Patrick. Eisenhower versus Montgomery: The Continuing Debate (1996), historiography online edition
  • Pogue; Forrest C. The Supreme Command (1996) online edition
  • Rostow, W. W. Pre-Invasion Bombing Strategy: General Eisenhower's Decision of March 25, 1944. (1981). 166 pp.
  • Stoler, Mark A. "Dwight D. Eisenhower: Architect of Victory" in Theodore A. Wilson, ed. D-Day 1944 (1994), pp 298-317
  • Weigley, Russell F. Eisenhower's Lieutenants: The Campaign of France and Germany 1944-1945 2 vol (1981), comprehensive history of Ike's campaigns

Presidency

General and domestic policy

  • Albertson, Dean. Eisenhower as President (1963) online edition
  • Alexander, Charles C. Holding the Line: The Eisenhower Era, 1952-1961 (1975) online edition
  • Allen, Craig. Eisenhower and the Mass Media: Peace, Prosperity and Prime-Time TV. (1993). 259 pp.
  • Damms, Richard V. The Eisenhower Presidency, 1953-1961 (2002) 161 pp. short survey by Britissh scholar
  • Greenstein, Fred I. The Hidden-Hand Presidency: Eisenhower as Leader (1991), highly influential study by political scientist
  • Harris, Douglas B. "Dwight Eisenhower and the New Deal: The Politics of Preemption" Presidential Studies Quarterly, Vol. 27, 1997 online edition
  • Harris, Seymour E. The Economics of the Political Parties, with Special Attention to Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy (1962) online edition
  • Krieg, Joann P. Dwight D. Eisenhower, Soldier, President, Statesman (1987) online edition
  • Lee, R. Alton. Eisenhower and Landrum-Griffin: A Study in Labor-Management Politics (1990).
  • Olson, James S. Historical Dictionary of the 1950s (2000) online edition
  • Pach, Chester J. and Elmo Richardson. Presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower (1991), standard historical survey
  • Parmet, Herbert S. Eisenhower and the American Crusades (1972) online edition, scholarly biography
  • Saulnier, Raymond J. Constructive Years: The U.S. Economy Under Eisenhower (1991).
  • Wagner, Steven. Eisenhower Republicanism: Pursuing the Middle Way. (2006). 179 pp. isbn 978-0-87580-362-3.)
  • Warshaw, Shirley Anne, ed. Reexamining the Eisenhower Presidency. (1993). 234 pp.

Foreign and military polices

  • Barrett, Roby C. The Greater Middle East and the Cold War: US Foreign Policy Under Eisenhower and Kennedy (2007) excerpt and text search
  • Beschloss, Michael R. Mayday: Eisenhower, Khrushchev, and the U-2 Affair (1987)
  • Bose, Meena. Shaping and Signaling Presidential Policy: The National Security Decision Making of Eisenhower and Kennedy. (1998). 197 pp. excerpt and text search
  • Bowie, Robert R. and Immerman, Richard H. Waging Peace: How Eisenhower Shaped an Enduring Cold War Strategy (1998) online edition
  • Clarfield, Gerard. Security with Solvency: Dwight D. Eisenhower and the Shaping of the American Military Establishment (1999) online edition
  • Divine, Robert A. Eisenhower and the Cold War (1981) online edition
  • Divine, Robert A. The Sputnik Challenge (1993).
  • Dockrill, Saki. Eisenhower's New-Look National Security Policy, 1953-61. (1996). 400 pp. excerpt and text search
  • Geelhoed, E. Bruce and Edmonds, Anthony O. Eisenhower, Macmillan, and Allied Unity, 1957-1961. (2003). 196 pp.
  • Hewlett, Richard B. Atoms for Peace and War, 1953-1961: Eisenhower and the Atomic Energy Commission (1989).
  • Jackson, Michael Gordon. "Beyond Brinkmanship: Eisenhower, Nuclear War Fighting, and Korea, 1953-1968," Presidential Studies Quarterly, Vol. 35, 2005 online edition
  • Kengor, Paul. "Comparing Presidents Reagan and Eisenhower" Presidential Studies Quarterly, Vol. 28, 1998 online edition
  • Kingseed, Cole C. Eisenhower and the Suez Crisis of 1956. (1995). 166 pp.
  • Medhurst, Martin J. "Text and Context in the 1952 Presidential Campaign: Eisenhower's 'I Shall Go to Korea' Speech," Presidential Studies Quarterly, Vol. 30, 2000 online edition
  • Rabe, Stephen G. Eisenhower and Latin America: The Foreign Policy of Anti-Communism (1988).
  • Rosenberg, Victor. Soviet-American Relations, 1953-1960: Diplomacy and Cultural Exchange during the Eisenhower Presidency. (2005). 324 pp.
  • Roman, Peter J. Eisenhower and the Missile Gap. (1995). 264 pp.
  • Showalter, Dennis E., ed. Forging the Shield: Eisenhower and National Security for the 21st Century. (2005). 235 pp.
  • Tananbaum, Duane. The Bricker Amendment Controversy: A Test of Eisenhower's Political Leadership (1988);
  • Tudda, Chris. The Truth Is Our Weapon: The Rhetorical Diplomacy of Dwight D. Eisenhower and John Foster Dulles. (2006). 224 pp.

Primary Sources

  • Eisenhower, Dwight D. Crusade In Europe (1948), war memoir excerpt and text search
  • Eisenhower, Dwight D. White House Years- Mandate for Change, 1953-1956 (1963) online edition
  • Eisenhower, Dwight D. White House Years- Waging Peace, 1956-1961
  • Eisenhower Papers 21 volume scholarly edition; complete for 1940-61; volumes XIV-XXI covering 1953-61 are online.
    • Eisenhower, Dwight D. Eisenhower: The Prewar Diaries and Selected Papers, 1905-1941. ed. by Daniel D. Holt and James W. Leyerzapf, (1998). 576 pp.
  • selected speeches, full text
  • Farewell speech, 1960
  • The Churchill-Eisenhower Correspondence, 1953-1955 edited by Peter G. Boyle, (1990) online edition

Memoirs by aides

  • Benson, Ezra Taft. Cross Fire: The Eight Years With Eisenhower (1962) by the Secretary of Agriculture online edition
  • Butcher, Harry C. My Three Years With Eisenhower by wartime aide


Notes

  1. FDR told Marshall he was essential at home, thus allowing Marshall to save face. FDR felt Eisenhower was the better planner and diplomat.
  2. Chester Wilmot's Struggle for Europe (1952) told Montgomery's side of the story but focused the debate narrowly on strategy, virtually excluding the arguments over command. Montgomery did not show Wilmot his papers concerning command, only strategy, so Wilmot wrote about what he knew. Politics influenced Churchill's history of the war, published in 1953, which omitted Churchill's reservations over Eisenhower's exercise of ground command, owing to the fact that Eisenhower was now President. See G. E. Patrick Murray, Eisenhower versus Montgomery: The Continuing Debate (1996)
  3. Stephen E. Ambrose, "Eisenhower and the Intelligence Community in World War II". Journal of Contemporary History (1981) 16(1): 153-166. Issn: 0022-0094 in Jstor
  4. See Bielakowski (2004)
  5. Internet archive, Eisenhower Campaign Spots (1952). Retrieved on 2007-09-11.
  6. Fred I. Greenstein, The Hidden-Hand Presidency: Eisenhower as Leader (1991)
  7. Alfred D. Sander, Eisenhower's Executive Office (1999)
  8. Taylor retired and counterattacked, writing that Eisenhower's policy "offers no alternative other than reciprocal suicide or retreat in the face of the superiority of Soviet forces." [Taylor, The Uncertain Trumpet (1959) p. 137] President John F Kennedy greatly admired Taylor’s ideas and brought him back as chairman of the Joint Chiefs in 1962.
  9. Gerard Clarfield, Security and Solvency: Dwight D. Eisenhower and the Shaping of the American Military Establishment. (1999)
  10. In response Ike learned to control his hot temper, maintain his proper weight; stop smoking cigarettes; measure his blood pressure and blood cholesterol levels; manage anxiety, depression, and fear; and handle worry and stress. He learned to recognize skipped heart beats, too rapid pulses, and the need for the occasional use of nitroglycerin. Clarence G. Lasby, Eisenhower's Heart Attack: How Ike Beat Heart Disease and Held on to the Presidency. (1997)
  11. Douglas Brinkley, "Eisenhower the Dove." American Heritage (2001) 52(6): 58-63, 65. Issn: 0002-8738 Fulltext: Ebsco
  12. : Ira Chernus, "Eisenhower's Ideology in World War II," Armed Forces & Society (1997) 23(4): 595-613; Stephen E. Ambrose, "Eisenhower's Legacy," Prologue (1994) 26 (Special Issue): 160-167. ISSN: 0033-1031

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