Pro-democracy movement in Burma: Difference between revisions
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The '''pro-democracy movement in [[Burma]]''' began in opposition to [[Ne Win]]’s military regime in the 1980s. Although Burma had a functioning parliamentary democracy by the late 1950s, internal divisions brought about instability that allowed Ne Win to seize power in a military coup in 1962. A series of protests and escalating violence led to Ne Win’s resignation and replacement by [[Saw Maung]] in 1988. With martial law imposed and order restored, the country held a multiparty election in May 1990, in which the [[National League for Democracy]] led by [[Aung San Suu Kyi]] won a landslide victory. The military regime refused to transfer power to the NLD, however, and kept Suu Kyi under house arrest, where she had been since the previous year. | The '''pro-democracy movement in [[Burma]]''' began in opposition to [[Ne Win]]’s military regime in the 1980s. Although Burma had a functioning parliamentary democracy by the late 1950s, internal divisions brought about instability that allowed Ne Win to seize power in a military coup in 1962. A series of protests and escalating violence led to Ne Win’s resignation and replacement by [[Saw Maung]] in 1988. With martial law imposed and order restored, the country held a multiparty election in May 1990, in which the [[National League for Democracy]] led by [[Aung San Suu Kyi]] won a landslide victory. The military regime refused to transfer power to the NLD, however, and kept Suu Kyi under house arrest, where she had been since the previous year. | ||
Suu Kyi had become a prominent leading figure in the movement due to her winning the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 and being continually subjected to intermittent house arrests by the government in Myanmar (its official name | Suu Kyi had become a prominent leading figure in the movement due to her winning the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 and being continually subjected to intermittent house arrests by the government in Myanmar (its official name since the military takeover). She has had considerable degree of contact with Western governments,<ref name="bert2004277">Bert 2004: 277</ref> which have continued to advocate for her release and place sanctions on the Myanmar regime. | ||
In March, the Myanmar government officially annulled the results of the previous election, citing inconsistency with its current laws. It plans to hold an election sometime later this year | In March, the Myanmar government officially annulled the results of the previous election, citing inconsistency with its current laws. It plans to hold an election sometime later this year.<ref name="reuters03112010">Tun, 2010</ref> | ||
== Initial course to democracy == | == Initial course to democracy == | ||
When Burma was liberated by the Allies after World War II, it adopted a parliamentary form of democracy. | When Burma was liberated by the Allies after World War II, it adopted a parliamentary form of democracy. Despite previous exposure to self-rule that was instituted by the British, albeit limited and divorced from the general populace,<ref name="holliday1042-1043">Holliday, 2008: 1042-1043</ref> democracy in Burma lasted for merely 14 years from 1948 to 1962. Burma as a democratic state was not viable from the onset due to its diversity and the colonial legacies. The country is, in fact, one of the most diverse countries in Asia. It has 135 different ethnicities, including 8 major groups.<ref name="unity383">Holliday, 2007: 383</ref> During the period of British occupation in the 19th and early 20th centuries, these divisions were exploited by the colonial policies. The British separately administered the majority lowlands and the minority uplands, subjecting the former to direct rule while providing relative autonomy to the latter. The minorities were favored in the colonial administration as support against the majority, which resulted in the creation of educated local elites in the autonomous upland regions who would compete with the traditional elites of the lowlands. The cultural differences that resulted with the British presence in the lowlands contributed further to the perceived divisions between the two groups.<ref name="thomson272-3">Thomson, 1995: 272-273</ref> | ||
The divisions between the Burmans and the minorities were most clearly visible when the Burmans briefly allied with the Japanese in opposition to the British before switching back to the Allies, whereas the minorities stayed with the British throughout the war. The strong ethnic divisions consequently resulted in the drafting of a very weak constitution<ref name="unity384">Holliday, 2007: 384</ref> that provided autonomy provisions for the minority groups and, upon its signing in 1958, spurred waves of revolts throughout the country.<ref name="holliday1044-1045">Holliday, 2008: 1044-1045</ref> The instability intensified the military's involvement in the political affairs. Prime Minister U Nu authorized a "constitutional coup" by General Ne Win to restore order in preparation for the 1960 general elections. When U Nu resigned in 1962 due to divisions within his party | The divisions between the Burmans and the minorities were most clearly visible when the Burmans briefly allied with the Japanese in opposition to the British before switching back to the side of the Allies, whereas the minorities stayed with the British throughout the war. The strong ethnic divisions consequently resulted in the drafting of a very weak constitution<ref name="unity384">Holliday, 2007: 384</ref> that provided autonomy provisions for the minority groups and, upon its signing in 1958, spurred waves of revolts throughout the country.<ref name="holliday1044-1045">Holliday, 2008: 1044-1045</ref> The instability intensified the military's involvement in the political affairs. Prime Minister U Nu authorized a "constitutional coup" by General Ne Win to restore order in preparation for the 1960 general elections. When U Nu resigned in 1962 due to divisions within his party (the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League), Ne Win seized power through another military coup and established a socialist state under one-party rule.<ref name="Alamgir338">Alamgir, 1997: 338</ref> The coup faced little to no opposition or foreign criticism, since the constitutional coup of 1958 was remembered favorably, and the coup appeared to be a legitimately populist and socialist program. legitimacy for his successful handling of the previous coup, and he seemed to be heading a legitimately populist and socialist program.<ref name="Alamgir342">Alamgir, 1997: 342</ref> | ||
<ref name="nytimes03172010">"Change Comes to Myanmar," 2010</ref> | |||
=== notes === | === notes === | ||
{{reflist}} | {{reflist}} |
Revision as of 18:01, 22 March 2010
The pro-democracy movement in Burma began in opposition to Ne Win’s military regime in the 1980s. Although Burma had a functioning parliamentary democracy by the late 1950s, internal divisions brought about instability that allowed Ne Win to seize power in a military coup in 1962. A series of protests and escalating violence led to Ne Win’s resignation and replacement by Saw Maung in 1988. With martial law imposed and order restored, the country held a multiparty election in May 1990, in which the National League for Democracy led by Aung San Suu Kyi won a landslide victory. The military regime refused to transfer power to the NLD, however, and kept Suu Kyi under house arrest, where she had been since the previous year.
Suu Kyi had become a prominent leading figure in the movement due to her winning the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 and being continually subjected to intermittent house arrests by the government in Myanmar (its official name since the military takeover). She has had considerable degree of contact with Western governments,[1] which have continued to advocate for her release and place sanctions on the Myanmar regime.
In March, the Myanmar government officially annulled the results of the previous election, citing inconsistency with its current laws. It plans to hold an election sometime later this year.[2]
Initial course to democracy
When Burma was liberated by the Allies after World War II, it adopted a parliamentary form of democracy. Despite previous exposure to self-rule that was instituted by the British, albeit limited and divorced from the general populace,[3] democracy in Burma lasted for merely 14 years from 1948 to 1962. Burma as a democratic state was not viable from the onset due to its diversity and the colonial legacies. The country is, in fact, one of the most diverse countries in Asia. It has 135 different ethnicities, including 8 major groups.[4] During the period of British occupation in the 19th and early 20th centuries, these divisions were exploited by the colonial policies. The British separately administered the majority lowlands and the minority uplands, subjecting the former to direct rule while providing relative autonomy to the latter. The minorities were favored in the colonial administration as support against the majority, which resulted in the creation of educated local elites in the autonomous upland regions who would compete with the traditional elites of the lowlands. The cultural differences that resulted with the British presence in the lowlands contributed further to the perceived divisions between the two groups.[5]
The divisions between the Burmans and the minorities were most clearly visible when the Burmans briefly allied with the Japanese in opposition to the British before switching back to the side of the Allies, whereas the minorities stayed with the British throughout the war. The strong ethnic divisions consequently resulted in the drafting of a very weak constitution[6] that provided autonomy provisions for the minority groups and, upon its signing in 1958, spurred waves of revolts throughout the country.[7] The instability intensified the military's involvement in the political affairs. Prime Minister U Nu authorized a "constitutional coup" by General Ne Win to restore order in preparation for the 1960 general elections. When U Nu resigned in 1962 due to divisions within his party (the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League), Ne Win seized power through another military coup and established a socialist state under one-party rule.[8] The coup faced little to no opposition or foreign criticism, since the constitutional coup of 1958 was remembered favorably, and the coup appeared to be a legitimately populist and socialist program. legitimacy for his successful handling of the previous coup, and he seemed to be heading a legitimately populist and socialist program.[9]