Beijing: Difference between revisions
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'''Beijing''' ('''Peking''') is the capital of China. | '''Beijing''' ('''Peking''') is the capital of China. | ||
==History== | |||
===Ming=== | |||
===Qing=== | |||
Several temple fairs, including the Huguo fair, began to be held in Beijing from the end of the Ming to the mid-Qing dynasty. These temple fairs, different from those organized in commemoration of the spirits, were much more like bazaars and were held every month around the temples. They constituted the most important market network in Beijing in the Qing dynasty. The prosperity of these temple fairs signaled a new stage in the city's commercial history and showed how some of the temples were transformed from sacred to secular space. Both the Qing rulers' attitude toward religion and the city's isolation policy enforced by the Manchus after they occupied Beijing affected the temple fairs' location and development. | |||
===20th century=== | |||
In 1900, during the [[Boxer Rebellion]] Beijing was violently conquered and looted by the Eight Power Allied Force. In June, 1928, when Beijing became "Beiping" after the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, or KMT) moved its capital to Nanjing, and Beijing therefore lost its status of political center, In late July, 1937, Beijing was occupied by the Japanese army until 1945. In late January, 1949 Beijing gracefully surrendered to the Communist regime and became the capital city for [[Mao Zedong]]. | |||
====Modernization===== | |||
The Beijing police academy, founded in 1901, was China's first modern institution of police training and also the largest police training center in the late Qing period. The school hired Japanese teachers to undertake most of the teaching and administrative work. As China's first modern police training institution, the school provided a useful model for police academies in other areas of the country and exerted great influence on the development of China's modern police forces. | |||
From early antiquity through the end of the 19th century, the primary missions of Chinese imperial and private libraries were to collect and preserve books and documents. Except for a few isolated historical periods, these libraries rendered no service to the public. The Metropolitan University Library in Beijing, founded in 1898, was China's first modern academic library with a clear goal of serving a burgeoning program of public higher education. The library's founding reveals an intriguing story of tension between the modern Western and traditional Chinese concepts of what a library should be.<ref>Jing Liao, "The Genesis of the Modern Academic Library in China: Western Influences and the Chinese Response." ''Libraries & Culture'' 2004 39(2): 161-174. Issn: 0894-8631 Fulltext: [[Project Muse]] </ref> | |||
====1920s==== | |||
Two mass movements erupted in Beijing during October and November 1925: the Movement for Tariff Autonomy and the Capital Revolution. They had different origins and motives. The Movement for Tariff Autonomy drew the participation of thousands of students in its demonstrations against the Special Conference on Customs Tarrifs, an international meeting in October to decide the extent of China's control of its national tariffs. Violent clashes with police transformed this movement into a more radical, Bolshevik-style revolt against local warlord Duan Qirui (1865-1936). The second movement, known as the Capital Revolution, was led by Nationalist Party representative Li Dazhao and involved massive demonstrations, violence, political demands, and the destruction of the offices of one of Beijing's leading newspapers, Chenbao. This student-based revolt was unable to supplant warlord control of the city and disbanded by late November.<ref> Zheng Yuan, "The Capital Revolution: a Case Study of Chinese Student Movements in the 1920s." ''Journal of Asian History'' 2004 38(1): 1-26. Issn: 0021-910x </ref> | |||
===Cultural revolution=== | |||
During the late years of the Cultural Revolution decade (1966-76), political life in China was dominated by contention between radical and conservative factions in the Communist Party. [[Mao Zedong]]'s ambivalence, first supporting one faction and then the other, has long puzzled scholars. | |||
China's Red Guard movement of 1966-68 shows that rapid shifts in the properties of political institutions can alter choices and actors' interests, rapidly transforming the political landscape. New evidence about the origins of the movement in Beijing's universities indicates that factions emerged when activists in similar structural positions made opposed choices in ambiguous contexts. Activists subsequently mobilized to defend earlier choices, binding them to antagonistic factions. Rapid shifts in the contexts for political choice can alter prior connections between social position and interests, generating new motives and novel identities.<ref> Andrew G. Walder, "Ambiguity and Choice in Political Movements: the Origins of Beijing Red Guard Factionalism." ''American Journal of Sociology'' 2006 112(3): 710-750. Issn: 0002-9602 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref> | |||
Andreas (2006) argues that factional contention was being institutionalized, creating a system that pitted administrators against rebels: veteran cadres were put in charge of the political and economic bureaucracies, while radicals were given institutional means to mobilize political campaigns against these officials, pressing Mao's radical agenda. Andreas examines in detail the system of governance implemented at Qinghua University in Beijing. Power was divided between veteran university officials and a "workers' propaganda team," composed of workers and soldiers drawn from outside the school, and the propaganda team was charged with mobilizing students and workers to criticize their teachers, supervisors, and university officials. The result was a tumultuous system very much at odds with the conventional practice of ruling Communist parties (including the Chinese Party before the Cultural Revolution), which had been guided by ideals of monolithic unity and a clear hierarchy of authority.<ref> Joel Andreas, "Institutionalized Rebellion: Governing Tsinghua University During the Late Years of the Chinese Cultural Revolution" ''China Journal'' 2006 (55): 1-28. Issn: 1324-9347 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref> | |||
===since 1980=== | |||
The Beijing democracy movement (1978-81) constructed a progressive Marxist identity, and its individual participants used it to prove the movement's historical necessity and justify its democratic agenda. Combined with the related identity of socialist citizens, the proponents defended the movement against adversaries from without and the right-wing minority within. The way the movement activists defined their collective identity offered them a progressive Marxist platform to champion their cause. This collective identity not only precluded confrontational opposition to the Communist Party, it enabled a more constructive use of both classical Marxist and Western democratic thinking in the movement's agenda.<ref> Lauri Paltemaa, "Individual and Collective Identities of the Beijing Democracy Wall Movement Activists, 1978-1981." ''China Information'' 2005 19(3): 443-487. Issn: 0920-203x </ref> | |||
==Bibliography== | ==Bibliography== | ||
* Li, Lillian M. et al. ''Beijing: From Imperial Capital to Olympic City.'' (2007). 336 pp. | |||
* Song, Weijie. "Mapping Modern Beijing: A Literary and Cultural Topography, 1900s-1950s." PhD dissertation Columbia U. 2006. 301 pp. DAI 2006 67(4): 1346-A. DA3213600 Fulltext: [[ProQuest Dissertations & Theses]] | |||
* Weston, Timothy B. ''The Power of Position: Beijing University, Intellectuals, and Chinese Political Culture, 1898-1929.'' 2004. 325 pp | |||
===Primary sources=== | |||
* Gamble, Sidney David, ed. ''Peking: A Social Survey '' (1921) 514 pages; study by American social scienctists [http://books.google.com/books?id=mTx_wlVaankC&pg=PR7&dq=intitle:social+intitle:survey+date:1900-1923&num=30&as_brr=1 full text online] | * Gamble, Sidney David, ed. ''Peking: A Social Survey '' (1921) 514 pages; study by American social scienctists [http://books.google.com/books?id=mTx_wlVaankC&pg=PR7&dq=intitle:social+intitle:survey+date:1900-1923&num=30&as_brr=1 full text online] | ||
====notes==== | |||
<references/> | |||
[[category:CZ Live]] | [[category:CZ Live]] | ||
[[category:Geography Workgroup]] | [[category:Geography Workgroup]] | ||
[[category:History Workgroup]] | [[category:History Workgroup]] |
Revision as of 09:48, 3 December 2007
Beijing (Peking) is the capital of China.
History
Ming
Qing
Several temple fairs, including the Huguo fair, began to be held in Beijing from the end of the Ming to the mid-Qing dynasty. These temple fairs, different from those organized in commemoration of the spirits, were much more like bazaars and were held every month around the temples. They constituted the most important market network in Beijing in the Qing dynasty. The prosperity of these temple fairs signaled a new stage in the city's commercial history and showed how some of the temples were transformed from sacred to secular space. Both the Qing rulers' attitude toward religion and the city's isolation policy enforced by the Manchus after they occupied Beijing affected the temple fairs' location and development.
20th century
In 1900, during the Boxer Rebellion Beijing was violently conquered and looted by the Eight Power Allied Force. In June, 1928, when Beijing became "Beiping" after the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, or KMT) moved its capital to Nanjing, and Beijing therefore lost its status of political center, In late July, 1937, Beijing was occupied by the Japanese army until 1945. In late January, 1949 Beijing gracefully surrendered to the Communist regime and became the capital city for Mao Zedong.
Modernization=
The Beijing police academy, founded in 1901, was China's first modern institution of police training and also the largest police training center in the late Qing period. The school hired Japanese teachers to undertake most of the teaching and administrative work. As China's first modern police training institution, the school provided a useful model for police academies in other areas of the country and exerted great influence on the development of China's modern police forces.
From early antiquity through the end of the 19th century, the primary missions of Chinese imperial and private libraries were to collect and preserve books and documents. Except for a few isolated historical periods, these libraries rendered no service to the public. The Metropolitan University Library in Beijing, founded in 1898, was China's first modern academic library with a clear goal of serving a burgeoning program of public higher education. The library's founding reveals an intriguing story of tension between the modern Western and traditional Chinese concepts of what a library should be.[1]
1920s
Two mass movements erupted in Beijing during October and November 1925: the Movement for Tariff Autonomy and the Capital Revolution. They had different origins and motives. The Movement for Tariff Autonomy drew the participation of thousands of students in its demonstrations against the Special Conference on Customs Tarrifs, an international meeting in October to decide the extent of China's control of its national tariffs. Violent clashes with police transformed this movement into a more radical, Bolshevik-style revolt against local warlord Duan Qirui (1865-1936). The second movement, known as the Capital Revolution, was led by Nationalist Party representative Li Dazhao and involved massive demonstrations, violence, political demands, and the destruction of the offices of one of Beijing's leading newspapers, Chenbao. This student-based revolt was unable to supplant warlord control of the city and disbanded by late November.[2]
Cultural revolution
During the late years of the Cultural Revolution decade (1966-76), political life in China was dominated by contention between radical and conservative factions in the Communist Party. Mao Zedong's ambivalence, first supporting one faction and then the other, has long puzzled scholars.
China's Red Guard movement of 1966-68 shows that rapid shifts in the properties of political institutions can alter choices and actors' interests, rapidly transforming the political landscape. New evidence about the origins of the movement in Beijing's universities indicates that factions emerged when activists in similar structural positions made opposed choices in ambiguous contexts. Activists subsequently mobilized to defend earlier choices, binding them to antagonistic factions. Rapid shifts in the contexts for political choice can alter prior connections between social position and interests, generating new motives and novel identities.[3]
Andreas (2006) argues that factional contention was being institutionalized, creating a system that pitted administrators against rebels: veteran cadres were put in charge of the political and economic bureaucracies, while radicals were given institutional means to mobilize political campaigns against these officials, pressing Mao's radical agenda. Andreas examines in detail the system of governance implemented at Qinghua University in Beijing. Power was divided between veteran university officials and a "workers' propaganda team," composed of workers and soldiers drawn from outside the school, and the propaganda team was charged with mobilizing students and workers to criticize their teachers, supervisors, and university officials. The result was a tumultuous system very much at odds with the conventional practice of ruling Communist parties (including the Chinese Party before the Cultural Revolution), which had been guided by ideals of monolithic unity and a clear hierarchy of authority.[4]
since 1980
The Beijing democracy movement (1978-81) constructed a progressive Marxist identity, and its individual participants used it to prove the movement's historical necessity and justify its democratic agenda. Combined with the related identity of socialist citizens, the proponents defended the movement against adversaries from without and the right-wing minority within. The way the movement activists defined their collective identity offered them a progressive Marxist platform to champion their cause. This collective identity not only precluded confrontational opposition to the Communist Party, it enabled a more constructive use of both classical Marxist and Western democratic thinking in the movement's agenda.[5]
Bibliography
- Li, Lillian M. et al. Beijing: From Imperial Capital to Olympic City. (2007). 336 pp.
- Song, Weijie. "Mapping Modern Beijing: A Literary and Cultural Topography, 1900s-1950s." PhD dissertation Columbia U. 2006. 301 pp. DAI 2006 67(4): 1346-A. DA3213600 Fulltext: ProQuest Dissertations & Theses
- Weston, Timothy B. The Power of Position: Beijing University, Intellectuals, and Chinese Political Culture, 1898-1929. 2004. 325 pp
Primary sources
- Gamble, Sidney David, ed. Peking: A Social Survey (1921) 514 pages; study by American social scienctists full text online
notes
- ↑ Jing Liao, "The Genesis of the Modern Academic Library in China: Western Influences and the Chinese Response." Libraries & Culture 2004 39(2): 161-174. Issn: 0894-8631 Fulltext: Project Muse
- ↑ Zheng Yuan, "The Capital Revolution: a Case Study of Chinese Student Movements in the 1920s." Journal of Asian History 2004 38(1): 1-26. Issn: 0021-910x
- ↑ Andrew G. Walder, "Ambiguity and Choice in Political Movements: the Origins of Beijing Red Guard Factionalism." American Journal of Sociology 2006 112(3): 710-750. Issn: 0002-9602 Fulltext: Ebsco
- ↑ Joel Andreas, "Institutionalized Rebellion: Governing Tsinghua University During the Late Years of the Chinese Cultural Revolution" China Journal 2006 (55): 1-28. Issn: 1324-9347 Fulltext: Ebsco
- ↑ Lauri Paltemaa, "Individual and Collective Identities of the Beijing Democracy Wall Movement Activists, 1978-1981." China Information 2005 19(3): 443-487. Issn: 0920-203x